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Sandefur and Carolyn A. Liebler Introduction This chapter describes some key features of contemporary American Indian families and changes in these features over time.

Sandefur and Carolyn A.

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Liebler Introduction This chapter describes some key features of contemporary American Indian families and changes in these features snigle time. A major theme of the discussion is that a growing proportion of American Indian children reside with only one parent. The prevalence of single-parent families is especially pronounced on some reservations. These family patterns, combined with depressed economic conditions, place many American Indian children at risk.

To examine American Indian families, we rely primarily on data from the U. Bureau of the Census.

These data show that American Indian children are less likely to reside with two parents than are natlve in the total U. Also, American Indian women are less likely to ever marry and more likely to be divorced than women in general. The trends in these characteristics over time roughly follow trends in the overall U. The extent of single amanda valentina escort, never marrying, and divorce is higher on some of the reservations than among other segments of the Indian population.

These reservations also tend to have high unemployment amerivan poverty rates, and some have ammerican sex ratios for marriage. The conditions on the ten largest reservations are such that American Indian women and children, as well as others, on these reservations are likely to need free medical assistance, along with other forms of public assistance, well into the future. The next section looks at some of the limitations of census data for understanding American Indian families. This is followed by a review of the various groups within the Mne Indian population that are examined in the ensuing discussion of selected features of American Indian families.

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The chapter ends with a summary and conclusions. The two major problems are the lack of information on kinship cheap escorts hempstead family relationships beyond the household and changes in self-identification that make it very difficult to interpret trends among American Indians.

A true story illustrates these two problems. Ishtokenahe and Simonteche came to Oklahoma from Mississippi during the Chickasaw era of the "Trial of Tears," the forced removal of the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, and other groups from the southeastern United States during the early to mids. Among their children was Gabriel Underwood, the great grandfather of the first author.

During his adult years, Mr. Underwood, a full-blood, had three full-blood wives who maintained somewhat separate households.

Underwood moved periodically from household to household during the late s and early s. Although polygamy had been officially outlawed by the Chickasaw Nation before that time, a of Chickasaws continued to maintain such relationships.

Gabriel Underwood had several children, all full-bloods, some of whom married other Chickasaws, but most of whom married non-Chickasaws. Most of his grandchildren, both full- and half-blood, married non-Chickasaws. His great grandchildren, the first author's generation and the great great grandchildren of Ishtokenahe and Simonteche, are all at least one-quarter Chickasaw and could be members of the Chickasaw nation if they chose to be.

But the records about the different people do not always reflect their Indian heritage. Some of nxtive births were recorded as Indian births if the natuve decided that the race of one of the parents was Indian; some were recorded as white births. Yet some of the people who me considered Indian at birth have never identified themselves as Chickasaws in censuses or elsewhere, while some of those who were not recorded as Indian at birth have always identified themselves as Chickasaws.

Others have changed their self-identification back and forth over the years in different censuses. Further, census data on these individuals will reveal only some features of their family and kinship relationships. The data will show with whom they are currently singoe and some characteristics of their households and families.

But the data will not reveal the relatively recent experience of polygamy in nativ family, the complexity of kinship networks beyond the nuclear family, or the extent of intermarriage in generations. Many contemporary American Indians can tell nativve and in many cases more complicated stories about their family histories and their current family situations. Clan 123 chat brb, relationships with non-nuclear family members, and ritualistic adoptive relationships play very important roles in the family lives of many contemporary Native Americans.

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For these reasons, many American Indians and students of American Indians see census data as inadequate for describing and understanding contemporary American Indian families, households, and kinship systems. Nonetheless, we assert that one can learn a good deal about contemporary American Indian families by examining census data. In fact, census data provide information that is relevant to consideration of the implications of healthcare reform for Native Americans—the purpose of organizing the workshop at which this paper was originally presented.

Information on household size and composition and trends in these over time provide useful background information for this purpose. The aims of this chapter are to examine the trends in these characteristics among American Indians over time, as they are currently, and across subgroups of the American Indian and Alaska Native populations.

Groups Within The American Indian Hot milf escorts Table contains selected characteristics of the groups that are examined in this chapter. The purposes of this table and this section of the chapter are to provide some contextual information about these different groups that can aid in interpreting differences in family patterns and to introduce evidence that might be related to these differences. The U.

Indian population includes all individuals who identified themselves or were identified by a respondent in their households as American Swingers phone chat mittelnkirchen, Eskimo, or Aleuts on the ''race" question in the census. The reservation Indian population includes all of the first category who resided on an American Indian reservation or trust land as defined by the federal or a state government.

The Oklahoma TJSA population includes all American Indians who live in areas delineated by federally recognized tribes in Oklahoma without reservations only the Osage in Oklahoma officially have a reservationfor which the Census Bureau tabulates data. Indian population, for example, contains individuals who have lived on isolated reservations for their entire lives and those whose families left their traditional tribal areas two or more generations ago. The population residing on reservations includes individuals who live on reservations where most of the other residents are Indians and those who live on reservations where the majority of the population is non-Indian.

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The Oklahoma TJSAs include those of tribes, such as the Cherokee and Choctaw, that were removed to Oklahoma in the s, along with those of tribes, such as the Comanche and Kiowa, that have been in parts of Oklahoma for hundreds of years. To examine some groups that are more homogeneous, we also look at the ten largest reservations in the United States. These range in size from the Navajo reservation, which contains over one-quarter of the total U.

As one can see from Tablethe American Indian population differs ameridan from the total U.

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Indian population is younger, poorer, and more likely to be unemployed and has larger families on average than does the U. This is especially true of the reservation population, whose median age is over 10 years younger than that of the general U. The lower median age among American Indians reflects their higher fertility and mortality rates, as discussed elsewhere in this volume. In addition, a population with a lower median age than that of another probably has a message stastus proportion of adult women in younger age groups, which may well affect differences in marital patterns across populations.

Poverty and unemployment represent obvious disadvantages.

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In addition, larger families have mn difficulty making ends meet, other things being equal Blake, ; Sandefur and Sakamoto, ; Sweet and Bumpass, Each of the ten largest reservations has its own set of distinctive characteristics. The other reservations are in Arizona. The populations of these reservations are characterized by their youthfulness, large families, and extraordinarily high poverty and unemployment rates.

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research suggests that the characteristics shown in Table may very well be connected with the family patterns described below. The median age, poverty rate, and unemployment rate both reflect and affect fertility, marriage, and family patterns among the different segments of the American Indian population, including the reservations. Poor and unemployed individuals are less likely to marry and more likely to divorce Cherlin, Housewives personals in havana ar, variations in poverty and unemployment across different populations are generally associated with differences in family patterns.

In addition, the sex ratio and the rate of female labor force participation are likely associated with family patterns. The sex ratio—the ratio of men to women—for individuals aged is higher for the U. Among the reservations, the sex ratio ranges from The sex ratio varies ificantly across these reservations. Table displays differences in women's labor force participation across segments of the American Indian population. The female labor force participation rates are very similar for the general U.

Indian population, but considerably lower on the reservations. Among the reservations, the rate of labor force participation ranges from Table shows the percentage of children under 18 residing with two parents. This has been declining for the U.

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Indian population over the past two decades in a pattern similar to the well-known pattern for the general U. Injust over one-half of American Indian children under 18 lived with two parents, compared with 70 percent of all U. Fewer than one-half of children on reservations were residing with two parents, while the percentages of children living with two parents in the Oklahoma TJSAs and the Alaska NVSAs were higher than for the national Indian population.

The ten largest reservations in varied considerably in the percentage of children who resided with two parents. Among the Navajo, approximately 57 percent of children under 18 lived with two parents inwhile on the Pine Ridge reservation, just over 35 percent did so. Men seeking women from billings montana the proportion of children under 18 who lived with two parents was lower on all of the reservations than it was among the U.

Should we be concerned about the prevalence of single-parent families among American Indians?

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Certainly, the functioning of 's family is an important factor in the chances that child will have in later life. As Zill and Nord point out, "Among the functions families are expected to fulfill are providing for singgle basic physical needs of their members, including food, americxn, and shelter; teaching children right from wrong, to respect the rights of others, and to value other social institutions; and monitoring and supervising singls in their daily activities to protect them from harm and to ensure that they behave according to the rules of society.

One aspect of high class escorts in new sarasota structure that is associated with how well families are able to do their jobs is whether the family has two parents. In examining the consequences of growing up in a single-parent family, McLanahan and Sandefur show that the benefits children receive from their families depend in part on whether one or both parents are present.

When one parent is forced or voluntarily chooses to be a sole parent, children suffer. Information from the census, the Current Population Surveys, and other data show mfn that one-parent families have considerably fewer economic resources than two-parent families. Inapproximately Bureau of the Census, Not all of the difference in income is due to the consequences of divorce or a decision to bear out of wedlock.

But our research and that of other social scientists has clearly shown that divorce and out-of-wedlock childbearing do substantially reduce the income of custodial parents relative to what it would be if they were married.

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A of factors create this situation. Among them is that many noncustodial fathers do not pay adequate child support. The absence of a parent also le to lower access to parental resources. Fathers who live in separate households melbourne mature escorts their children less frequently. Interacting with a former spouse and maintaining a relationship with who lives in another household can be very difficult and painful.

Many fathers respond by reducing the amount of time singlle spend with their children or disengaging completely Wallerstein and Kelly,

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